NE need only spend a few days in Berlin to ize the tremendous prob- s that the Allies face in wiing with the German pole, and with the fascist Fiality. Nevertheless one © becomes crystal clear 12 and that is among ple there are latent forces Jning their way upward and i; can provide anti-fascist 4iership for the nation. The mans are shocked. They are kid to look at their horrible t. They don’t quite under- Sad the present, and they ?t quite know the future. : the Germans are not all the ie and they’re certainly not ifascists. Possibly the great- @ crime of many has been 42 fear, animal fear. which fie them incapable of resist- ‘$ Hitler and the whole Hitler- terror machine. dhe fascists are still there, of icse. Their mentality can be sed in discussions, in ru- rs, rumors insidiously spread differences between the Al- , m hit and run shootings of 41 Army men. But during the % month they have not only 4; the war; they’ve lost their Wjd on the people. With the appearance of fascist terror people are beginning to Gathe easier, and now that y see that the fascists lied, t+ the Red Army behaves it- f with civility and considera- n modulated. by sternness, ple open their minds to, new jughts,and new ideas. By and gge.they want to live, and j thought is -rapidly. pene- | ing their minds that to live ans to “live -with the Red Gmy and AHiéeéd= Armies; to iaborate and work. and from reports on a trip ch world press correspond- s stationed: in Moscow to #-lin, it might ‘easily appear 't Russians are too “soft” @h the Germans. It is true :t they brought food to Ber- that they’ve given the Ger- ns one thousand trucks and #: hundred cars with which to ‘rt life anew, that they’ve ad- q ced Berlin twenty-five mil- 41 marks in money. TheSe are j doubtedly acts, of charity. 2y underline again ‘that the ssians do not propose to re- ige themselves on the civil- ; population but will continue 1 exterminate those who fight 3m with arms in hand. Jn analysis Russian policy yves admirable, since this is culated on one hand on ex- jminating the outstanding scists and to destroy the scist mentality and organiza- @n and on the other hand to ip the Germans to help them- ¢:ves. Germans respond to ‘his iilicy and react well. IMEET the Germans in Berlin 4 streets. I attended a perfor- junce at Kabert Der Kamiker fiuich at one time, before Hit- >, was the gathering place of j ti-fascists in Berlin. Half of was filled. The audience was ostly girls and a few oider an. Announcements were fade in Russian and English as jell as in German. English ngs were rendered, music by Fwish composers was present- ‘i with the brief introduction at “Berliners had grown nos- lgie for this music that could- be played for so long.” A JOM experiences in Berlin” Stern Treatment Is Only Hope For German Rebirth 5 raymond a. vavies the stage for the first time in years. The key to the senti- ments of the people was their reaction to the song “Berlin will live again.” I didn’t wonder that Berliners want their city to be born again. I talked to Berliners cn the streets. In one place, near Kur- fuerstendamm, about fifty people, mostly women, sur- rounded me. “What do you think now?” I asked them. “Ach, der Hitler,” one woman exclaimed, “If we only had him now we should tear him apart.” Others agreed vociferously. “We waited for you for twelve years.” An elderly lady joined in. This phrase was repeated time and time again during our stay in the city. We waited for you! “Why did you wait?” I en- quired. “Others didn’t wait ~— Russians, Czechs, Poles.” People were silent. Apparent- ly they had been thinking this over since capitulation. Pos- sibly it tortured them. “We couldn’t do anything,” they said. “There were Gestapo men in the streets. We would have been killed.” I thought of, what I had seen . during the past year. I told them of Majdanek, Odessa, of Klooga. It was incredible, but these women looked as if they were genuinely startled by this information, as though they had never heard of these atrocities. Ja,?-one woman sighed, “owe .shall have to pay for all this.” ‘Then with the force of a bombshell,, one tall man who had. beén listening all the time ' without saying one word, burst out, “Germany is guilty of all this. Germany will have to pay for all this. Only then can we be free.” a Women -shouted; the crowd turned on him. “Fine man; he wants to bring even greater troubles to his people.” They haven’t learned very much yet, and their memories are short. On another street a woman complained about her ration un- der the Russians (which is bet- ter than under Hitler). She said she was not getting enough. I told her about starving Rus sians during the occupation. She was silent. In a bar where they served cocktails, “Ohne” without alco- hol,-I talked to a German about forty-two years of age. He spoke from deep conviction it seemed to me, and said that Germany must pay for all she had done before it could be received into the community of nations. He said he was ready himself to do anything possible, to pense the people of Europe for German atrocities. He thought that the only way to end the German menace once and for all was by the working people of Germany taking things into ~ their own hands. In many places, Germans; es- pecially girls, approached me and other correspondents and asked us to take them to Am- erica. They forget so quickly. In parks, and alleyways we saw Red Army men surroundel by swarms of children. We saw children already imitating the Red Army men and marching with red flags. GE 11 — MAGAZINE SECTION | recom-_— THE Red Army Command is doing all in its power to de- tain all active fascists and above all, SS men and Gestapo agents. No. pity is shown to these and other war criminals. But :at the same time, last week a larse meeting was held in Radio Cen- ter to create an organization to aid victims of fascist terror. This organization is headed by Altamar Geschke, Berlin city council member. Geschke has just been released from a con- centration camp where he was from. 1933 to the day of eapitu- lation. He is a former member of the Reichstag. Now Marshal Zhukov has de- clared that anti-fascist organ- izations will be permitted to function in the Soviet-occupied part of Germany. So a process of deep differen tiation has begun in Germuny. Red Army and Soviet authori- ' Nazis who led them tory’s greatest national disaster. ties are doing all they can to speed this process to set the mass of the people against the into his- The problems before them are not easy to solve. One thing is certain. Germans are going to have to work very hard, not only to regain their place in the community of nations, and not only to be able to repay their obligations to the world, but just to live. Ruin is so extensive that work is. their only. salva- tion. If the German people work honestly and earnestly they can to some extent meet their obli- gations. Their standard of liv- ing has already become very low and will become lower still. In the difficulties of the ensu- ing period, cleansing Germany will proceed more rapidly witn the trial and conviction of all war criminals. The anti-fascists of Germany will have their opportunity to save the nation if the nation Wishes to be saved. T IS clear in Berlin that what- ever the Nazis do the people do not wish to commit national suicide; they want to live. But among them Nazi agents keep on burrowing. The thing they harp on most is the possibility of friction among the allies. A chap approached me on the street in Berlin and said he was waiting for the war between America and the Soviet Union. These illusions must be dissi- pated by united work and the stand of the allies. Mutual com- monness of policy, mutual ef- fcrt to eliminate all sources of German militarism encompassed. within German industrial and financial circles, efficiency and common policy in searching for, finding, detaining ,trying and executing all war criminals. These are the things which will help in weaning the German people away from fascist ideas. Lenience towards war criminals including industrialists and war financiers will only reinforce the shaken and disrupted basi of fascist ideology. The New Men Of Europe NLY my son will have a private life;’ 7 said Kostas Karayorghis, By Joseph Starobin the 39-year-old leader of the Greek Communist Party, one of the many European Communists whom I met and spent a good deal of time with:out in San Francisco. ee He was telling me something of his own ‘life, which says a good deal about the men and women of the new Europe which ma of us Americans, even American Communists, do not always understand. It was in 1920 that Karayorg- his, the son of a judge in the town of Chalkis, came to be- lieve in Communism for Greece, that ancient European land where his forefathers had lived for hundreds of years. He was 14,-and for the next 25 years the life of Kostas Karayorghis was one of such unimaginable struggle that it was hard to understand how he could be so calm and even gay .about it all in San Francisco, sitting with me in the lunch- room of the Civic Opera ' House. His own son is scarcely a year old now, born in the mountains of Thessaly in those days when the Greek partisans were governing a wide area of liberated “Greece. And Kara- yorghis, after four years of lfe in the underground had become the military leader of the EAM in the area around Larissa, the same town through which the Greek reactionaries are now spreading terror and revenge upon the people. From 1924 until about 1931, Kostas spent scarcely two years out of jail, or off the various islands to which he and thou- “sands of others like him—were sentenced by a succession of re- actionary governments. Yet he managed in that time to study medicine, to get a de- gree, to take part in the Com- munist youth movement, to work with the editorial board of the Greek Communist paper, Rizospastis. In the ’30s, it was the same way. Two years in Germany until Hitler came. Two years in France. Two years in the So- viet Union, and then back into Greece a few weeks after the August,.1936, dictatorship came to power. And he had been in Greece these last nine years, partly in jail, partly in the un- derground which arose’ during the war to reconquer a large part of the country. Then there was the 33-day battle with the British last De- cember and January, and Kos- tas Kareyorghis had been ail through that, too. : A stocky, rugged man, with a bright smile and twinkling eyes beneath heavy . eyebrows. A man of culture, who spoke French and German and Rus- sian. And as our train passed through the plains of eastern Nebraska, he admired the clear blue heavens. He said it was like the skies over the Aegean in his own beloved Greece. Is this man an exception? Then consider Marius Mag- nien, a 41-year-old Frenchman, the foreign editor of French Communist newspaper, L’Humanite. A mason by trade, his father (if I remember cor- rectly) a dfgger of ditches, a man who had remained inside of France during the_ entire bloody occupation,. in ‘which 80,000 French Communists in the Paris region alone lost their lives. ; Magnien’s job had. been to listen to-the jBritish and Soviet radios in secret, to assemble news for his comrades, to keep the work of the “Friends of the Soviet Union” going. He had not seen his wife and two boys during most of that period. But he was proud in the knowledge that his wife was in the Resistance movement. He hardly knew his youngest son, six years old, at all. For since 1940, the Communists of France had been in.one battle after another. And here he was in San Francisco, a man of dark complexion, with deep the ereases in.his cheeks, slightly stooped, and with a swift gait as though he were hurrying to get places. There were others — young Andre Simoens, of the French ‘“cnrnunrist gouth, and n.-w edit- or of the Communist puper, in Lille, the icrth breseh indus- tria! city. : There was Francois Billoux, who deserves a story in him- self, a textile worker who be- came minister of health in the French government, and one of the key ‘men in his delega- tion’s work Or there was the Yugoslav —Col. Vladimir Dedier, an im- mense man as though cut from an oak tree of the mountains. He wore his uniform of the Yugoslav Liberation Army throughout the conference. But even more, he wore his cap with Tito’s red star on it. Except that Dedier, who commanded the “First Prole- tarian Brigade’ of the parti- san army, also ‘had a hammer and sickle across that star, signifying the contribution which the Communist work- ers had made to the Yugo- slav liberation. A great solemn face has De- dier, a man who lost his wife by a German bomb and buried her with his own hands. A man who edited one of Yugoslavia’s leading papers, Politika, who had fought on Tito’s general _ staff right through all these four years, a man who was suf- fering himself from the effects of a mortar’s splinters, lodged in his own head though he never referred to that.