| | : : j ies a ae ——— WORLD ‘MAKING SOUTH AFRICA UNGOVERNABLE’ Battle lines Sharply drawn 1986 marks the most critical year for South Africa. The deep political and economic crisis in the country confronts the racist regime with its most serious dilemma ever. During past crises the racist authorities displayed, both to the white population at home and its Western allies abroad, their ability, through manouevering and repression, to maintain control. Today, for the first time in the history of white supremacy in South Africa, the racist regime has lost the strategic ini- tiative and control. This has raised ex- tremely serious concerns among western governments and corporations with op- erations in South Africa. For the first time they are faced with the possible overthrow of the regime, brought about by determined action and maximum unity of the oppressed. The democratic forces in South Africa are challenging the regime like never before and answering the call of the ANC to make South Africa ungovernable. It has become a reality in many Black townships that there is no effective civil control by the government. Govern- ment-appointed civic administrative bodies have resigned, been killed or have fled. In fact, most townships are con- trolled by street and area committees and people’s courts elected by the people. It is an acknowledged fact that since the people’s courts have taken over, the crime rate in many Black townships has been substantially reduced. The U.S. State Department last year produced a deiailed analysis of the South African situation based on a fact-finding report. It also concluded that the racist regime had lost the strategic initiative and control. It said, that unless swift measures are adopted to save the situa- tion for U.S. imperialism, the possibility of a revolutionary overthrow of the South African regime was real, and that each day’s delay increases that possibility. Therefore, in cooperation with its other western allies, the U.S. has begun to look at a number of options. One of these is to bring about a ‘‘negotiated settlement’’ and that the parties must in- clude all existing South African bodies, including the Nationalist Party, the Pro- gressive Federal Party, Gatsha Buthel- ezi’s Inkatha, AZAPO, the UDF, - the ANC — all participating in a convention as equal partners working towards a new constitution. Their hope is that, while the connie tion would call for one person, one vote, there would be built in to the constitution certain guarantees for so-called minori-. ties. Certainly to be built in to the con- stituion would be some mechanisms or guarantees for both South African and foreign corporations as a protection against large-scale nationalization. This is a concept the U.S. has sold to the western nations of the Common- wealth who, under the aegis of the ‘eminent persons’’, are now looking at the feasibility of such an option. Time, according to the U.S. State Department, is of the greatest essence, in the sense that the longer it takes to bring about a “‘solution,”’ the greater the gains of the national liberation movement. Within the context of this newest im- 8 e PACIFIC TRIBUNE, APRIL 16, 1986 Yusuf Saloogee, Chief representative of the African National Congress (South Africa) provides this analysis of the growing crisis confronting apar- theid and imperialism as the struggle of the national democratic forces grows. perialist initiative, the aim is also to drive a wedge between the African National Congress and the other democratic forces inside South Africa; in particular to try and remove as many of the legal, above-ground, democratic formations inside the country from the ANC. Their strategy is to ensure that, if and when such a convention takes place, the ANC appears there politically weak and with as small a constituency as possible. These efforts are known to our people inside the country, are known to the ANC. The eminent persons and other western diplomats have been cate- gorically told that the internal demo- cratic forces in South Africa are not will- ing to be used for these devious objec- tives. In particular, they say they do not see their aims and objectives as separate from those of the ANC. Further, they say they will not allow anybody to re- move them from the ANC; rather, they intend to increase their contact and relationship with the ANC. The South African business class and other sections of the ruling circles such as liberals and even some members of the Cabinet, are convinced, together with Washington, that the South African prob- _lem must be resolved in 1986 and that the strategic initiative and control be re- gained. They, however, concede this can only be done if there are major changes introduced into the South African poli- tical, economic and social system. For them, the fact that the initiative is now held by the people, led by the ANC, poses the greatest danger. The western states categorically told The racist regime will use all means at its disposal to hold on to power, but has now lost the strategic initiative. the Botha government that it must with urgency and immediacy introduce major changes, not simply toy around with meaningless reforms. It must meet at least some of the demands by that body of resistance growing in the townships and the educational field. It must dilute people’s anger by decreasing repression and lifting the State of Emergency. They have told Botha the people will never rest until Mandela is free, and that ways and means must be found to release him and other political prisoners. The regime was told it must reduce the level of violence and, at the same time, ad- dress some of the political demands of the Blacks. And, it must do all this with- out making fundamental structural changes. It is the most difficult order issued by imperialism to P.W. Botha, because he must also contend with an influential Afrikaaner right wing, segments of which are deeply imbedded in the South Afri- can Defence Force and police. There are those within Afrikaaner circles who maintain that this proposition being pushed down their throat by imperialism is a prescription for the demise of Afri- kaaner nationalism. They are strongly resisting the ntroduction of such mea- sures, forcing Botha to play a juggling game. But, while pursuing all these options, imperialism is forgetting the most impor- tant element: the ability of our people, led by the national liberation movement, to introduce their own prescription and ensure their strategic objectives are maintained and accelerated. Imperialism forgets that our people, having won the strategic initiative through hard struggle, will not be bought and will not surrender that initiative. And while the white ruling class, to- gether with imperialism, hatch new plots, our people, led by the ANC, will not sit back. We are carefully planning not only how to maintain the initiative, but to advance it further and raise the level of struggle until all of South Africa becomes ungovernable. The past 20 months have seen children as young as three and four years detained and shot. It is, indeed, a bitter struggle. More than 1,500 patriots have been killed in this period. 1986 marks the 25th anniversary of our people’s army, Umkhonto we Sizwe. It is a year when our army, deeply planted within the country, will change the phy- sical characteristic of the struggle inside the country by ensuring the formation of defence combat units among the people in various constituencies. This means when strikes and demonstrations are being waged, the people will have the capacity to defend themselves not with sticks and stones, but with weapons similar to those used in mite | "s souTH AFRICAN STUDE("< mae aoe rs % Sea iF Fa tee ad of by the army and police. This wi major feature, one dictated to us racist regime itself. Legal democratic —— as student bodies, United Demo@™ Front and community organiza’ which have been battered in the past months, are making concerted effo! recuperate and consolidate. The hist® launching of the Congress of South’ can Trade Unions (COSATU), ¥ clearly identifies itself with the nati f liberation struggle, will indeed giV®” white ruling clique more than heada¢ On March 29-30 a conference ganized by the National Education Committee, decided to carry out 4 eral strike on the occasion of t anniversary of the Soweto uprising 16. It will involve all democratic fore the country — students, trade ul) women’s organizations, religious community organizations. ) The battle lines are sharply draw® one side is a racist, reactionary for || holding power. It is predoming nat | white, but has within its ranks * ip Blacks. Its strategic objective is | sure the maintenance of power, © at at | tionary rule. It will use all means # Ih disposal — political ploys and fe sion, trickery coupled with murdef ® detention — to ensure it wins. of On the other side is a growing natid i democratic force. It is predomin®! Black, but has within its ranks © whites, particularly white youl strategic objective is to wrest power! the racist regime. Its program is direct antithesis of the existing ! class. It wants a new South unitary South Africa, non-racial t conformity with the Freedom © which says that South Africa || all who live in it. ot To attain this objective, this dem™ ity tic front, led by the ANC, is willl make whatever sacrifice necess cluding giving of their lives. In this’ i) there is no middle road. Our mol 1986 is ‘‘Every. patriot a combat every combatant a patriot”’ oft We emphasize this in the internal! ; community, because those mi especially in the West who supp? struggle, must also adopt that i) at solidarity with our struggle. It more urgent that every anti-ap® combatant in Western countries me) effort to apply the maximum press home to ensure the racist regime” bailed out in its hour of crisis. Imposition of total economic © nt tions, to isolate the regime by cU¥, economic, diplomatic, cultural without compromise — is the ta5*, must be carried out, as well as mé i ing financial assistance to the A form of assurance that the struge na if vances.