- an informative affa

Bruce Mepieres: eiended- an Matemiaticnal symposium
on Georgi Dimitrov’s work in Bulgaria and delivered an
address in which he related Dimitrov’s lessons to Canadian

oo “The Communist Party has decided to hold _seminars on
= the ani of areutroy ie in September.

Dimitrov's legacy studied in Canada
The first of the public lectures throughout Canada on
Dimitrov's legacy to the world and Canadian working class
_ movement was held in Toronto on June 18. Nelson Clarke
presented a very informative address and answered ques-
_ tions from the floor. A display of photos depicting Dimitrov's
life and na oad otete made it an entertaining as well as

K hice in Hamilton

By DON STEWART

HAMILTON — At a com-
memorative meeting here on the
90th birth anniversary of Georgi
Dimitrov, William Kashtan drew

a lucid word picture of the out--

standing Bulgarian Communist
and international leader of the
working class.

Outlining the. tremendous
contribution of Dimitrov to the-
oretical clarification of work in
people’s democratic movements,
Kashtan brought as examples
present activities of the Com-
munist parties of France and
Italy.

These two largé Communist
‘parties in capitalist countries,
which have the support of a.
large percentage of the work-
éfs; and exert the strongest in-
‘fluence in their tive trade
union movements, «work ° tire-
lessly to unite all the démocra-
tic forces—the workers, the
small farmers, the professionals,
. petty bourgeoisie and others in
aty alliance against the “big
bourgeosie” — the: monopolies.

They do not adopt a go-it-
ajone policy, the Canadian Com-
munist leader said, which with
their strength could appear as a
temipting proposition. They see
the road.to socigligm through
an anti-monopoly coalition of
forces restricting and curtailing
monopoly’s rights and power on
the way,

. The ultra-left, anarchistic,

_ a socialist Canada.

pseudo-revolutionaries call this
united front approach class col-
laboration, he said. They would
rather substitute their subjec-
tive desires in an open confron-
tation policy regardless of the
consequences to the people.

Georgi Dimitrov dealt with
these anarchistic tendencies
throughout his writings on the
united front, and labelled them
as infantile and adventurous.

Mr. Kashtan pointed out that
because of the change in world
forces, where the balance has
swung in favor of those that
favor peace and democracy, the
possibility of a relative peaceful
transition to socialism is pos-
sible in certain instances.

Chile was pointed to as an

‘example of a country on the

road to socialism, advancing by
way of an anti-monopoly coali-
tion of parties.

The contributions of Georgi
Dimitrov to the united front tac-
tic made it possible to correctly
place the question in The Road
to Socialism in Canada, the pro-
gram of the CPC of the need
to forge alliances with all’ the
anti-monopoly forces.

This. is a key to weakening and

“curbing reaction, and leading to

the winning of political power in
Canada through a democratic
coalition whose main task will
be to introduce measures direct-
ed against monopoly power and
policies and to oper the door to

Architect of united fron

“In what do you see the im-
portance of Georgi Dimitrov’s
work and heritage for the Cana-
dian and world communist and
progressive movement?” the So-
fia Press Agency asked Wm.
Kashtan, leader of the Commun-
ist Party of Canada.

Mr. Kashtan replied:

Georgi Dimitrov made an out-
standing contribution to the
Canadian and world communist
and progressive movement in
that he called for a turn in the
strategy and tactics of the inter-
national communist and work-
ing-class movement at a crucial
stage in world development.
This stage was epitomized by
the advent of fascist power in
Germany and its consequences,
the drive to fascism and impe-
rialist war in the world, and the
necessity of developing a stra-
tegy and tactic which could
stop fascism and prevent war
through the establishment of a
united front of the working
class of the world in support of
the Soviet Union, the bulwark
of peace in the world.

Georgi Dimitrov was indenti-
fied with the development of the
new Strategy and tactics, the
development of the policy of the
united working-class front and
the popular front. He was iden-
tified with unmasking the evil
face of fascism, its character
and nature.

In advancing this strategy and
tactics new theoretical ground
was developed:

@ the necessity of an alliance

_ of. the working class and non-

proletarian masses;

© a correct combination of
the fight for democracy with the
fight for socialism;

@ a recognition of different
approaches to the socialist re-
volution;

® a correct placing of the ap-
proach to democracy in condi-
tions of the rise of fascism,
making possible a wide united
front and an alliance around the

slogan of democracy versus
fascism.

It was precisely such a cor-
rect placing of the question
which created the basis for the
powerful democratic and anti-
fascist upsurge which followed,
and the realization of the popu-
lar front in a number of coun-
tries which later on led to the
victory of the people’s demo-
cratic’revolution in a number of
countries in Europe, Asia and
Latin America, which have since
moved over to the bujlaing of
socialism.

Workers’ Unity

Dimitrov placed correctly the
relationship of the popular front
to the working-class united front
and that the working class unit-
ed front depended primarily on
relations between the Commun-
ist and the Social-Democratic
parties.

In emphasizing the overriding
necessity of the working class
united front he at the same time
took a strong stand against a
one-sided approach to the So-
cial-Democrats and against sec-
tarian tendencies which hamper-
ed and stood in the way of the
united front. He pressed for a
correct attitude to the united
front both with the workers as
well as with the leaders of the
Social-Democratic parties, and
with the unions under reformist

_ leadership.

Communists, he emphasized,
should lead the fight. for trade

union unity around policies

which could make them vital
weapons in the struggle against

monopoly and reaction and for.

democratic progress,
Only Condition

The only condition for unity
he. emphasized, was agreement
on united action against fasc-
ism, the offensive of capital and
the war menace.

Of signal importance was his
insistance that Communists dis-
tinguish between left and right-
wing groups in the Social-Demo-
cratic parties and in the trade

is

By ALF DEWHURST

The June 5 issue of the Trot-
skyist paper Labor Challenge
carries two articles. which clearly
expose the counter-fevolutionary

nature of Trotskyism. And just -

as clearly demonstrates why
genuine peace forces find it im-
possible to work together with
the Trotskyists im-the peace
movement.

The two articles, one written
by George Addison, former sec-
retary of the Vietnam Mobiliza-
tion. Committee of Toronto, and
the other by Carl Fleming, come
out unequivocally’ “against de-
tente, peaceful coexistence be-
tween states with different so-
cial systems, and a. negotiated
settlement in Vietnam.

Fleming’s article; purporting
to be reporting the Conference
of the Canadian Peace Congress
of May 20-21, leans heavily on
a leaflet distributed to the Con-
ference by the League of Social-
ist Action (Trotskyist) which
concludes with these lines: “Let
the dead bury the dead, and the
living cast off the shroud of
‘peaceful coexistence’ and join
the movements that are out to

fight imperialism and win
peace.”
The reference to “the dead

burying the dead” was to the
Peace Congress. Needless to say

PACIFIC TRIBUNE—FRIDAY, JUNE 30, 1972—PAGE 8

the Conference paid. no atten-
tiorl to. this. obscenity which
compelled .Fleming to complain
that it approved a “line of action
around demands for a negotiated
settlement in Indochina and
worldwide ‘detente’.”

Addisorr writing on the USSR-
USA Moscow Summit talks,
charges that peaceful coexist-
ence “hasn’t a chance of bring-
ing peace.” He alleges that “on
the contrary, it encourages im-
perialism.”

One more example of the
counter-revolutionary role of the
Trotskyists in respect to the
over-riding issue of peace or
war. Who, among those who
have marched in demonstrations
Protesting the U.S. imperialist
aggression on Vietnam; has not
heard the Trotskyist chant, “five,
six, seven, eight — what’s to
negotiate.” This ‘Teactionary
chant saw the light of day im-
mediately following upon the
presentation of the 7-point pro-

posals of the Provisional Revolu-

tionary Government of South
Vietnam as a basis for negotia-
tions with the U.S. aggressors.
Surely, such a chant must warm
the heart of President Nixon who
never, of his own accord, would
negotiate with the Vietnamese
on this basis.

To sneer at detente, to reject
the policy of peaceful coexist-

ence, to dismiss out of hand
negotiations on the basis of the
7 point proposals is not only in-
fantile, it is downright counter-
revolutionary. It is counter-
revolutionary for it merges
completely with the policy of the
more aggressive sections of im-
perialism, and in the first place
U.S. imperialism.

To sneer at detente is to be
against European security, the
treaties between the USSR and
Poland with the Federal Repub-
lic of Germany, the recognition
of the German Democratic Re-
public and the seating of both
German states in the UN, for
purposeful progress towards dis-
armament with security, for the
eventual dissolution of NATO
and the Warsaw Pact.

To reject peaceful coexistence
is to embrace a policy of perm-
anent war. That is the arms race,
armed truces such as in_ the

Middle East, local wars such as*

now rage in Indochina; all of
which carry the seeds of world
nuclear war.

To reject peaceful coexistence
is to reject the real struggle with
imperialism to enforce observ-
ance of the principles of sover-

‘eignty, equality, territorial in-

violability of every state, big or
small, non-interference in the in-
ternal affairs of other countries,
respect for the right of every

people to decide their social,
economic and political system,
and the settlement of outstand-
ing international issues by poli-
tical means through negotia-
tions.

This is what the war in Viet-
nam is all about. The successful
outcome of the war of the Viet-
nanese people against U.S. im-
perialist aggression is part and
parcel of the world-wide strug-
gics of the peoples to enforce
the principles of peaceful co-
existence between states with
different social systems. These
principles are the very essence
of the 7-point proposals for peace
in Vietnam advanced by the PRG
as a basis for negotiations in the
Paris talks broken off by Presi-
dent Nixon.

Nixon and his ilk are aggres-
sively opposed to the policy of
peaceful coexistence for it is
directed against imperialist ag-
gression, the warmongers, reac-
tionaries and monopoly arms
manufacturers. To join with the
imperiaiists in opposition to this
policy is to play the game of
counter-revolution no matter
what the phraseology such op-
position is clothed in.

The Nixon Administration is
equally opposed to negotiate the
ending of U.S. aggression in
Vietnam on the basis of the 7

war.

ple’s masses t0 jet {0
-mon will in whate Ke:
are prepared to % t

unions. q

The new strategy ud 7
included the necessity % -
the issue of popular 1” of
ernment, its role and O™)
tent. Such a governmell |
not be the dictatorshiP
proletariat but would pi"
way for it. af

The turn in sr ‘i$ ;
tics required a principt |
gle against right wing Ce
ism and “left” wing “4
ism — a battle which h D
waged systematically.

Effective strust,

These ideas which we A
bodied in the 7th COM.
the Communist Inte
became the rallying !
effective struggle agai
tion, fascism and wal;
ed to transform Comit at
ties into significant
the political life of
tries.

This was true of Cam
other countries. if
These ideas in thelt j
remain as valid today ®

day and constitute
blocks of our Party %
of others: Indeed they
heart of the Program
Party—The Path to
in Canada. Af F
Life shows that unilé é
of Communist and ‘be
ties, the -nation
movement and of all
sives in the world is
force which can resist
ism, win national fre g
independence, and onto)
progress. The. unit ted ' {0
essential to the strueel
the second world waf iy
less essential today 4 a
to avert a third world i
The theoretical print
borated by Georgi - e:
not lost their signifi cored
continue to be a sou ti t) a
perience, insp irat?
strength in the §
democracy and soe
peace and friendshi,
tions.

a ib

is
ior)

points. And for the a
sons. Consequently a 0)
out of hand the det

Vietnamese for t

of the Paris negotial
the Trotskyists, is Bi
way of opting for con fot # ;
war in Vietnam, or, s

“ To compel Nixon e “8
the Paris negotiat
terms of the 7 pol”
in addition to the §
sistance of the

really mass actions Be 4
very demand. Such ae 4
can take many f0F Fn |
demonstialloy a F

stcard petitio

E on. in short, hae
is the mobilization

To force Nixon

negotiations on tno
of all U.S. force US:

mantling of all al 88
Indochina is a ae 1c
battle for peaceiat a
people’s liberatiO aelith, ,
vance. In short, a and!

against imperiali the
step forward for

peace, democracy #

To strive to bloc :,
do the Trotskyist '
revolutionary: