4 ae What happened in the Sudan? By MARK SYDNEY (Conclusion) Yet, while discussions on the Charter were proceeding, pres- sures were placed on the Com- munist Party, which was not given legal existence. The Revo- lutionary Command Council was hoping the: party would liqui- date itself to make way for the formation of what the Charter terms “the political organization within whose ambit should be incorporated all the forces of the Revolution.” A minority of the party mem- bers, include some Central Com- mittee members and Communist ministers agreed with Nimeiry’s demand. A special conference of the party was convened in Aug- ust 1970, and took the decision to maintain the independent existence of the Communist Party within the National Demo- cratic Front. “The NDF,” it stated, “con- stitutes the organization and po- litical alliance of the working class, peasantry, revolutionary intellectuals, national bourgeoi- sie, revolutionary officers and soldiers—an alliance based on a national democratic program ex- pressing the common interest and commitment of these class- es. In order that this alliance stand on a firm basis, the inde- pendence of its various compo- nents must be safeguarded.” To attempt to smash _ the Communist Party is to try to destroy the most stable and powerful force opposed to im- perialism and the internal ene- mies of the new government. The essence of the difficulty which existed between the Revo- lutionary Command Council and the Communist Party of Sudan, the pivot of the crisis was the role of the people, the working class, and its political party, the Communist Party, in the revo- lutionary process. Other differences between the ~ Communist Party and Revolu- ‘tionary Council arose over the Five-Year Pian. In spite of the proposals in the Plan to “spur an agricultural, industrial and urbanized revolution in the country and the transforming of the existing production rela- tions into socialist relations, es- pecially in the field of agricul- ture,” ought to be a key aim, there was no proposal to change pro-° duction relations. It concentra- ted mainly on increasing output, and contained no_ proposals which would change the posi- tion of tribal leaders or large- Scale landowners. Yet, when the ultra-Right staged an uprising in March of last year, the Communist Party mobilized in support of Nimeiry. Khartoum was defended only by the party and the trade unions. The uprising was defeated. Right after the Party had helped crush the March upris- ing, Khalig Abdel Mahgoub, general secretary of the Sudan- ese Communist Party, was ar- rested and deported to Egypt. There were growing mass pro- tests and demonstrations de- manding the return of Mahgoub. Finally, and with the support of Egypt’s President Nasser, Mah- goub was returned. In the economic sphere, Ni- meiry chose to find a way out for the Sudanese economy by getting loans from the Arab na- tionalist, - but- -violently anti- communist, | regime of -Coi, Ga- PACIFIC TRIBUNE—FRIDAY, AUGUST 20, 1971—PAGE 4 which for the Sudan | | Shafie Ahmed el Sheikh daafi in Libya, the emir of Kuwait, and the U.S. dominated International Bank. Loans negotiated with Bul- garia and Czechoslovakia in the mid ’60s were not renewed. Na- tionalization was haphazard and ill-planned; corruption began. All this was brought to a head last summer when Nimeiry uni- laterally announced the Sudan would join an alliance of Egypt and libya (and subsequently Syria). The Communist Party spoke out against this decision, stating in its November Appeal: “As to what was happening within our country, a large part of our people were anxiously considering the pact of the Triple Alliance, which was not submitted to popular discussion so that the masses might ex- press their will . .. Our people have been regarding with con- cern and distrust the mounting activity of the Egyptian official organs in the Sudan, especially their intelligence service, which aims at strengthening the right- ist trend and exercising its black methods in sabotaging the revo- lutionary movement -in our country under the pretext of checking the communist influ- ence. The unity of the national security organs and the recon- sideration of the question of the mass organizations in the three countries are included in the Pact of the Triple Union.” The price for union would probably be the dissolution of all the organizations—Commun- ist Party, trade unions, women’s movement, Sudanese Youth Union and others — in the Na- tional Democratic Front. Reaction Attacks Last November, Nimeiry struck out against the Commun- ist Party and other progres- sives. Abdel Khalig Mahgoub, along with other members of the party, was arrested. Three of- ficers, Babiker el-Nur, Farouk Hamdalla, and Hashem Al-Atta were sacked from the Revolu- tionary Command Council for “conspiring in subversive activ- ities with an outside power.” The Communist Party was label- led in official documents as im- peding the revolution. The November Appeal of the Party to the people of the Sudan warned the people: “It is impossible for state power to protect itself against the attacks of reaction and im- perialism and to safeguard the forward march of the revolution without the support of these formidable revolutionary batta- lions. The description of the Communist Party and its honest leadership, which has been loyal to its country and its people as ‘destructive’ can be met by the party only in a flat rejection. It is a slander against our. clear and long standing struggles in the service of the Sudanese revolution and in the service of our working people. It is an open invitation to the tradition- al (conservative) forces to con- tinue their activities overtly or - covertly against the Communist Party.” : By now it became clear that Nimeiry’s objective was to dis- solve the Communist Party and all organizations in the National Democratic Front. Nevertheless, the party continually appealed to the Revolutionary Command Council that any differences could be worked out. In Febru- ary, Nimeiry called on the peo- ple of Sudan to reject. and des- troy the Communist Party. The people refused to follow. Finally in May, the Revolutionary Com- mand Council issued a decree banning the Sudan Federation of Trade Unions, the Sudanese Youth Union, the Students Fed- eration,, and the Women’s Or- ganization—all partners in the Democratic Front. Opposition Acts Meanwhile, in the army, Ba- biker el-Nur and his colleagues began to organize against Ni- meiry. Their efforts spread out among the people, into the mass organizations. On July 19, they acted. Forces loyal to Babiker el-Nur and the other progressive officers arrest- ed Nimeiry and members of the Revolutionary Command Coun- cil. One of the first acts of the new leaders was to state that Sudan would become an inde-. pendent democratic republic, with closer ties to the socialist countries and to abolish the anti-democratic laws banning Sudan’s mass ofganizations. On July 20 crowds of jubilant Sudanese marched through the streets of Khartoum celebrating the overthrow of Nimeiry’s re- gime. Babiker el-Nur, in London for a medical examination, was chosen President. Before his ill- fated return to Sudan, he spoke (STATEMENT OF THE WORLD F It is with the deepest emotion learned of the vile murder of that was devoted to the struggle aga Federation of Workers’ Unions an regarding fundamental rights and the U.N. Universal Declaration on and the Sudanese trade unions. The brutal murder of the emi crimes committed by the Nimeiry ese workers and trade unions of The WFTU calls upon all affi back all the democratic gains of general secretary of the Sudanese Federation of Workers’ vice-president of the World Federation of Trade Unions, holder ° international Lenin Prize for Peace and Friendship of the People dearly beloved friend and comrade, Shafie Ahmed el Sheikh. Fearless fighter for national independence and the interests ° Sudanese workers, Brother Shafie’s whole life to the very last inst imperialism, for peacer the unity of all trade unions throughout the world. The scandalous execution of the general secretary of the ists in the Sudan show that the Nimeiry government is flag ment of the Head of State on respect for the activities unions and the international trade union movement suits ! plans to undermine the unity of the workers and peoples of countries in their struggle against the forces of reaction, gression and for national independence and social progres Expressing on behalf of millions of workers its most pro! 5 dolences to the family of Shafie Ahmed el Sheikh and to the as Federation of Workers’ Unions, the WFTU vigorously con condemn the brutal murder of Brother Shafie el Sheikh and to in their power to end these arbitrary acts and repression EDERATION OF TRADE UNIO! and indignation that the W faithful son of the Sudanese F d the reprisals against i‘ trade union freedoms and viol Human Rights and the recent § of the ent leader of the Sudanes nen mperid {sraeli © S. found government and assures the its fraternal solidarity. ations | liated and friendly organit’ 4.4 the Sudanese workers and F with British Morning Star cor- respondent Chris Mynan about the new regime: ‘““A National Democratic Front will be established with full powers. The democratic move- ments and the mass organiza- tions have freedom to work. “Reaction in the Sudan can be defeated only if the democratic movement has the right to work, if the government faces up to the challenges of the develop- ‘ment of our country... : “The Revolutionary Council has been fully supported by all the people. Demonstrations started straight away, and are going on all over the country. “This is not a one-man coup— after all I have been here for over a week. The mass organi- zations will be the backbone of the revolution. “We were all in the Free Offi- cers movement in the army, a movement that embraces all anti-imperialist, socialist officers: It was the Free Officers who ran the May 1969 Revolution, but immediately after, Nimeiry be- gan to think of banning the movement. “It became obvious that Ni- meiry. had diverted from the fundamental ideas of the Revo- lution and we began to. prepare a counter-blow. “When we— myself, Farouk Hamdalla and Hashem Al-Atta who are now with me in the Revolutionary Council — were expelled by Nimeiry from his ‘council last November we set about the job in earnest... “The Front will be formed from representatives of the democratic movements. In con- trast to Nimeiry’s policy of choosing himself the people he wanted to work with, the move- ments will choose their repre- sentatives themselves and -will | have control over them. “In the longer perspective we Anti-communism assists the imperialists (Excerpt from a speech by Gus Hall, general secretary of the Communist Party of the USA.) Nationalism that rejects the class struggle, nationalism that accepts anti-communism, na- tionalism that does not accept working class internationalism as a guide, is blind, it becomes a tool of the reactionary anti- socialist forces. Such national- ism becomes a tool of imperial- ism. Such is the case in Sudan. , The Arab peoples will never be able to recross the Suez on anti-working class boats with anti-communist crews. The strength of the socialist countries — including People’s China—the strength of the new- ly liberated countries, is in poli- cies and relationships based on working class internationalism —in unity with the Communist and other progressive forces. Anti-communism is the very op- posite of anti-imperialism. These are movements that have left the working class rails. They are blinded by narrow na- tionalist considerations. These are temporary ripples. that go against the basic class tides of history. The class essence of all movements will assert itself. No amount of speeches from the “Mount” is going to erase this fundamental base of reality. In this period there can be lasting or meaningful progress only on the basis of a class struggle. The struggle for social progress is against a reaction- ary class—the class of imperial- ism. Movements that try to ig- nore or sidestep this fundamen- tal phase of peality are on the path to disaster: © <2-:: c= must start a real reform culture, helping the as form - co-operatives. build up our industry: | “The five-year-plan Nimeiry must be pul iy: We can cut back Bo government expenditule |, simple step we have a taken — banning the security organization. “Trade unions into the running of ized industries, e: must take part. “In the ‘South the oy autonomy must be ws into practice. Nimeily t were good, but he had P. vel Southern democratic ‘nif from developing. f all will be the basis Of ©” autonomy. 0 “Our approach t0 ine tion with Syria, E, it j0 ! is the same. We WA ant the people say they wf ‘to join. We want unity» people must agree 1 1 4 “With the rest of nat we hope, of cours®, dly lations will be friene ticular we. aim tO jalist' relations with the s0 tries and the Soviet In Khartoum tal tween the members 4 cae Council with the polite, and trade unions. 9d ‘Workers’ Federation de Sudan Council of 7 held a joint meetiNB '. Council, and the Pea ing sent a message & “July Revolution. ‘ Counter-rev t oul Babiker el-Nur da? , BOAC airliner’ to SYine Ie he would take over cee ship. His plane WaS se over Libya, and he yi? 10) by the Libyan Jeadet* Nimeiry. S At the same time Fe tank battalion, W: a force from an Kha training outpost nea eo freed Nimeiry ie for a battle which TAB" oul in the streets of ¥ ered meiry. regained pow pat Then the dla Babiker el-Nur war in ‘Sudan from Liby? fA along with Hamda met Three Communist® (+ the the political bun ali were also hanget y goub, eneral-secrery i el-Sheikh, preside? rad? dan Federation ° cares, ‘ions; and Joseph in NM then and all thro’ the” regime, minister ryt" The counter-rev? ‘ ‘J ror ¢ontinues. ~