Earlier this year, the Fraser stitute in Vancouver published lengthy study, Rent Control-A pular Paradox, in an attempt to idermine rent control legislation this province. We asked Emil arnason, director of the Trade nion Research Bureau, to study le book and to analyze its idence and conclusions. He ‘epared the following article. anding bargain. Rents have risen less than half as St as living costs and less than e-eighth as much as_ personal omes. The cost of home ownership is ly twice as high as in 1961. ‘The average Canadian family Spends only one-sixth of its income housing. ’ The very poor — the lowest in- me households — occupy more using space per person than yone else except millionaires.” The above statements were not “invented by the author of this article. Nor are they reproduced om a satirical essay. They are uoted precisely, from a recent ok published over the joint gnatures of world-renowned ‘onomists Friedrich von Hayek, Milton Friedman, George J. igler and-Michael Walker in a ok entitled Rent Control — A opular Paradox. Moreover, their statements do Ot refer to the city of Moscow here they happen to be true) nor the planet Mars. They are stensibly in all seriousness, the 1975 housing The book in question is published y the Fraser Institute, which dvertises. itself as ‘‘an in- ependent Canadian economic and cial research and educational Zanization’”’. Although the In- litute is located in Vancouver, its Oard of advisors includes such conomic troglodytes as Armen cChian (‘‘We do not speak of employment — jobs are always aSily available’’) ‘Harry Johnson, With the recently-published ook, the Institute has launched a paign to convince the public at rent controls are unnecessary, deed harmful, because we Housing in Canada is an out- | the University of Toronto Political Economy ‘department, who sums up the argument as follows: “The absence of. a general housing crises is obvious from the quality of the housing stock, the availability of housing, the affordability of housing in terms of the proportion of in- come required to obtain it, and the capacity of the residential construction industry.” The above quoted paragraph is” not by Leacock, and it is not satire. It is intended to be taken seriously. The authors of Rent Control — A Popular Paradox did not invent their statistics. Most of the facts they cite are quoted from govern- ment sources, usually Statistics Canada. It is therefore worth the while to inquire into the question how Statistics Canada arrives at data so outrageously at variance with readily observable everyday experience. i . When Statistics Canada first - They are assuming a rational, The economic theory un- derlying the Fraser Institute book and all the articles of its contributors, is good old- fashioned _eighteenth-century free enterprise economics. perfectly functioning market which never. did, and certainly does not now exist. ready possess an abundance of igh quality housing which would Available to all at reasonable rices if only the unfettered ration of the free market were Tmitted to establish a scale of Mees that would prevent low hcome groups (assisted by well- Neaning, but misguided govern- Ment agencies) from ap- Opriating more than their fair e. The Institute has stated its case ¢h impressive array of con- ibutions by Walker, Friedman, gler, Gunnar Myrdal, Hayek d others. All are well argued in ter Ms of late eighteenth century nomic principles. But even this nding array of economists been outdone in stating the nub ‘ence Smith, co-chairman of aM matter by Professor | published its conclusion, that in Vancouver, rents had risen by 37 percent from 1961 to 1974, I wrote to them inquiring as to whether they had misplaced a decimal point in stating the percentage increase (meaning that it should have been * 370 percent), or in calculating the index (meaning that it should have been 1370). I was honoured by a reply from Sylvia Ostry herself, former director of Statistics Canada, who assured me that the 37 percent figure was arrived at by methods which were “theoretically sound and statistically accurate. Dr. Ostry then went on to describe the construction of the tal index: oak of the monthly labour force household survey - - - The sam- pling encounters, in any given month, tenant households where ~ community “The rent survey is. os rents paid have changed and where rents paid have not changed .. . Thus, the Vancouver rent index is computed by com- bining the 7:7 percent rise in rents for 6.7 percent of the sample with the 93.3 percent of the sample showing no rent change in that month, to yield an increase for the Vancouver rent index in July 1974 of one half of one percent”. ~ Let us illustrate, by an example, how such a method will produce the vast understatement of rent increases which is obvious in the Statistics Canada Index. Think of a comprising two ‘apartment blocks on adjoining lots, identical except that one was built in 1960 and the other in 1970. The ~ 1960 block was built at a cost of $8,000 per suite with mortgage money at 7 percent, thus per- mitting profitable rental at $100 per suite, while the 1970 block cost $16,000 per suite with mortgage money at 10 percent, thus requiring a rental of $250 per suite. Once built, the costs of both apartments (caretaking, main- tenance, etc.) rise at, say 21/2 percent a year, and rents are adjusted accordingly. Then we ‘have the following picture: Block1 . Block 2 TOGO TENE eo $100 : 1970rent......... $128 —«- $250 19a TenL $141 $276 In the above example, Statistics - Canada would have taken into account the change in rent of each unit, once it was built, but ignored the really major change, i.e. the increase from $100 for a suite built in 1960 to $250 for one built in 1970. ‘That increase — amounting to $150 — conforms to everyone’s actual experience. But Statistics Canada only considers the increase in rents in Block-1 (from $100 in 1960 to $141 in 1974) or in Block 2 (from $250 in ~ 1970 to $276 in 1974) and computes its statistics accordingly. That’s how it arrives at 41 percent in- -erease while the actual increase is -over 100 percent. : It isnot so easy to account for the Fraser Institute’s assertion (based on Statistics Canada) that the cost of home ownership has increased only 127 percent since 1961. The Greater Vancouver Real Estate Board is under the impression that - the average price of multiple sales rose from approximately $12,000 in 1961 to about $57,000 in 1974, or about 375 percent. How do you work down from there to an in- crease in cost of 127 percent? On this there are no clues except a hypothetical illustration on page 34, where Michael Walker _ in- dicates how he thinks home ownership costs should be calculated. - Inthe example he assumes that a house worth $10,000 in 1961 would have a market value of $20,000 in 1971. He then proceeds to calculate the ‘“‘imputed rent’, i.e. the in- terest the homeowner would receive if he invested his money for ent control — fact and fiction Put a ceiling on rents, they say, and it becomes unprofitable to build rental housing. As a result, a shortage of housing develops. The poor are then unable to obtain housing at all, while the rich have no trouble because they can afford to bribe landlords. Worse than that. By keeping . rents too low, you bring about a ‘maldistribution of the existing stock of housing. Families stop doubling up. Young people leave home earlier than they otherwise would, making unnecessary demands on housing. All of this is illustrated by the statistics showing the lowest income families occupying more housing ‘than their wealthier compatriots. Ina free market, rents would rise sufficiently :to balance supply with demand, and automatically the housing shortage would disappear. Supposing that to be true, what the Fraser Institute is really saying is that if the cost of housing were high enough to drive the poor back into basements and hovels where they belong, there would be ‘abundant housing for the rest of us. Alas, they are assuming a rational, perfectly functioning market. which never did, certainly does not now exist. There is, infact, ample evidence in their — own book to show that the market does not work that way. Consider their assertion that the very poor use more housing space per person than the very rich. To the extent that such is the case, it can only be because the poor in- clude large numbers of elderly couples whose children have reached maturity about the same time as the mortgage is paid off, so that the couple find themselves occupying the amount of space and — Xx What the Fraser Institute is of housing were high enough to drive ‘the poor back into basements and hovels where they really belong, there would be abundant housing for the rest of us. It must be seen as part of the unrelenting attack of the moneyed interests against the’ working class. really saying is that if the cost income instead of owning the house. In doing so, he assumes a 7 percent interest rate in both 1961 and 1971, ignoring the steep rise in interest during those ten years. Are Statistics Canada’s methods that primitive? How else can one explain “such belligerently stub- born nonsense as the Statistics “Canada housing cost index? Statistics Canada, in fact, shows mortgage interest costs rising less than the prices of houses, a ‘mathematical impossibility in a period of rising interest rates. Nor is it possible to account, in _any sensible way, for the assertion by the Fraser Institute and Professor Smith that housing today accounts for only 18 percent of family income. With an average family income of $12,000, this would mean that an average family could obtain ac- ‘commodation for $180 per month. At present day interest rates that payment would cover only the interest — ignoring taxes and upkeep — on a house worth $20,000 — and where would one find a house worth only $20,000 in Canada today — any house, in any area? The notion is preposterous. The economic theory underlying the Fraser Institute book ar all of - the articles of its contributors, is good old-fashioned free enterprise economics. originally acquired for the whole family. Now if the Institute were correct home ownership costs have risen four __ in maintaining that times as much as rents,\it would obviously pay such couples to sell — the family home and rent an apartment, thereby increasing the available supply of housing. This does not happen, on the one hand, because whatever the rental index may show, people do not succeedin finding ~cheap' rental ac- ‘commodation, and on the other, because experience has_ taught people that what may seem a_ bargain at the moment will soon be cancelled out by inflation. The Fraser Institute study and Professor Smith’s enthusiastic — echo must be seen as part of the unrelenting attack of the moneyed interests against the working class. With the increasing organization of workers into trade — unions to defend their rights and _ their wages on the industrial front, it becomes important to the — holders of wealth to maintain other — avenues for exploitation. The | of course, is for the workers to organize themselves as consumers, first of all as tenants, and so use their political and economic strength to curb ex-— ploitation on this front, as well. — answer, PACIFIC TRIBUNE—DECEMBER 19, 1975—Page 3