The Chinese comrades regard as an “embellishment
of imperialism” our statement that the Kennedy gov-
ernment also displayed a certain reasonablenégs, a
realistic approach, in the crisis around Cuba. Do they
Teally think that all bourgeois governments lack all
Teason in all their doings?

_ Thanks to the courageous and far-sighted position of
the USSR and the staunchness and restraint of the
heroic Cuban people and their government, the forces
Of socialism and peace proved that they are able to
curb the aggressive forces of imperialism, to impose
Peace on the advocates of war. This was a major vic-
tory for the policy of reason, for the forces of peace
‘and socialism; it was a defeat for the forces of im-
Perialism, for the policy of military ventures.

: As a result revolutionary Cuba is living in peace and

_ 1S building socialism under the leadership of the United
Party of the Socialist Revolution and the leader of the
Cuban people, Comrade Fidel Castro Ruiz.

When agreement with the President of the United
States of America was reached and a start was thereby

hese comrades were particularly zealous in insulting
and abusing the Soviet Union, arguing that the imperi-
alists cannot be believed in anything.

We are living in an epoch when there are two worlds,
_ two systems: socialism and imperialism. It would be
absurd to think that all questions inevitably arising in
relations between the countries of these two systems
Must be solved only by force of arms, ruling out all
talks and agreements. Wars would never end then. We
are against such an approach.

The Chinese comrades argue that the imperialists
cannot be believed in anything, that they are certain to
deceive, But this is not a matter of faith, but of sober
calculation, Eight months have passed since the liqui-
dation of the crisis in the Caribbean and the United
States government is keeping its word—there is no in-
Vasion of Cuba. We, too, assumed a commitment to

*emove our missiles from Cuba, and fulfilled it.

But it should also not be forgotten that we have
even a commitment to the Cuban people too: if the
US. imperialists do-not keep their promise and invade

ba, we shall come to the aid of the Cuban people.

Very sober-minded person understands that in the
Vent of aggression by American imperialists we shall
ag to the aid of the Cuban people from Soviet terri-
_ “Ty, just as we would have helped them from Cuban
territory, too. True, in this case the rockets would be
1. flight slightly longer, but their precision would not

impaired by this. .

- ae then do the Chinese comrades stubbornly ignore
_ |. ~ 8SSessment which the leaders of the Cuban revolu-

| 200 themselves make of the policy of the Soviet gov-

g eet as one of fraternal solidarity and genuine

a: ea What are the Chinese leaders dis-

atl €d with? Is it, perhaps, the fact that it was pos-

._ in € to Prevent the invasion of Cuba and the unleash-
a 8 of a world war? :

ne what was the line of behavior of the CPC leader-
Op Seeiae the Caribbean crisis? At that critical mo-
nt the Chinese comrades opposed with their own
& hee the realistic and firm stand of the Soviet
own coe Guided by some peculiar concepts of their
$0 hey concentrated the fire of their criticism not
the Pan on U.S. aggressive imperialism but rather on
re U and the Soviet Union.
4 The
@ that
‘| time,
 stang
body
‘thos.

CPC leadership, which had previously argued
Mmperialism may unleash a world war at any
at the most decisive moment assumed the
of a critic, not a militant ally and comrade. No-
heard statements from the Chinese leaders in
days about their practical actions in defense of

Ks : .
: oes revolution. Instead, they obviously tried to
bo vate the already critical situation in the Carib-

a. b
‘| > (“80 and added fuel to the smouldering fire of the
Conflict, ; |
The ce .
chan true stand of the CPC leadership is shown very

tinder questions of war and peace, in its complete
ing of ‘mation—and, what is more, deliberate ignor-
Comm =e Struggle for disarmament. The Chinese
| qUestio, nists object even to the very raising of this
is fetrin, by Communists, going to such lengths as
a very Ng to Marxism-Leninism and trying to prove in

Way the “infeasibility” of disarmament, on the

Made to liquidate the crisis in the Caribbean, the Chi-

one hand, and its needlessness, on the other. By juggl-
ing quotations they try to prove that general disarma-
ment is possible only when socialism has triumphed
all over the world.

Must Marxists sit idle, waiting for the victory of
socialism all over the world, at a time when mankind
is suffocating in the clutches of the arms race, and
when imperialists, stockpiling nuclear arms, threaten
to plunge mankind into the abyss of world war?

No, this would be criminal passivity in face of the
imperative appeal of our times.

This truth has been long understood by all true
Marxist-Leninists who realize their responsibility to
the people and who have been waging for several years
now—and will go on waging—a stubborn and persistent
struggle for general and complete disarmament, for
stopping tests and banning nuclear weapons.

In fighting for peace and in advancing the slogan of
universal disarmament we start from the vital inter-
ests of the people, taking account of the actual situa-
tion and not shutting our eyes to difficulties. The im-
perialists naturally do everything to delay and wreck
an agreement on disarmament—they stand to gain by
this. They use the arms race to enrich themselves and
to hold the people in capitalist countries in fear.. But
must we go with the stream, must we follow in the

wake of imperialism and refuse to mobilize all forces
to struggle for peace and disarmament?

No. To do that would be to capitulate to the forces
of aggression, to the militarists and imperialists. And
we believe that the working class, the working people
of all countries, can compel the imperialist govern-
ments to consent to disarmament, can prevent war.
For this they must, above all, realize their. strength and
unite.

It is necessary to oppose to the forces of imperialism
and war the organized power of the world working
class, which now has that advantage that it can rely
on the material power, the defensive might, of the
socialist countries opposed to imperialism. The time
has gone forever when imperialism exercised complete
sway. The situation has also changed radically com-
pared with the first decades after the October Revo-
lution when our country was alone and much weaker
than now. Today the balance of forces in the world
arena is entirely different. That is why to say now that
war is inevitable is to show lack of faith in the forces
of socialism and to surrender to moods of hopelessness
and defeatism.

One can repeat endlessly that war is inevitable, pass-
ing this viewpoint off as one’s “revolutionary spirit.”
In actual fact this approach merely shows disbelief in
one’s own strength and fear of imperialism.

There still are powerful forces in the imperialist

camp opposed to disarmament. But it is precisely in
order to compel them to retreat that we must arouse
the people’s wrath against them and force them to
comply with the popular will.

People want disarmament and believe that it is the

Communists that are the vanguard and the organizers

of their struggle.

Our struggle for disarmament is not a tactical ex- .

pediency. We sincerely want it. Here we stand four-
square on Marxism-Leninism. As far back as the end of
the last century Friedrich Engels pointed out that dis-
armament was possible and called it a “guarantee of
peace.” In our times the slogan of disarmament was
first advanced as a practical task by V. I. Lenin and the
first Soviet proposals on complete or partial disarma-
ment were submitted as early as 1922 at the Genoa
Conference. It was in Lenin’s lifetime and the disarma-
ment proposals were formulated by him.

The struggle for disarmament is a most important
factor in averting war. It is an effective struggle against
imperialism. In this struggle the socialist camp has on
its side the absolute majority of mankind.

The Chinese comrades advanced the slogan of “blow
for blow,” counterposing it to the policy of other so-
cialist countries aimed at relaxing the international

situation and ending the “cold war.” This slogan, in |

effect, adds grist to the mill of the imperialist policy of
brinkmanship and helps the champions of the arms
race. The impression is given that the leaders of the

CPC consider it to their advantage to preserve and in-
tensify international tensions, especially in the relations —
between the USSR and the USA. They apparently be-
lieve that the Soviet Union should reply to provocations —
by provocations, fall into the traps set by the “mad-
men” in the imperialist camp, accept the challenge of
the imperialists to a competition in adventurism and
aggressiveness, that is to say, in a competition not
for ensuring peace but for unleashing war.

To take this road means to jeopardize peace and the
security of peoples. Communists, who hold dear the
people’s interests, will never follow it.

The struggle for peace and the implementation of —
the principles of peaceful coexistence of countries with |
different social systems, is one of the most important
forms of popular struggle against imperialism, against
new wars which are being prepared by it, against the
aggressive actions of_the imperialists in the colonial
countries, against the military bases of imperialists
on foreign territories, against the arms race, etc. This
struggle is in the interests of the working class, of —
all the working people, and in this sense it is a class —
struggle. a

=
.

Our party and all the fraternal parties remember the —
conclusion drawn in the Statement (of the 81 parties) —
that it is necessary to develop the struggle against —
the danger of a new world war without waiting for —
atomic and hydrogen bombs to begin, to fall, and they
are guided by this in their, work. This struggle should
be waged now and intensified daily. The main thing
is to curb the aggressors in time, to prevent war, to |
prevent it from breaking out. To fight for peace today —
means to maintain the greatest vigilance, tirelessly to —
expose the policy of imperialism, vigilantly to watch —
the manoeuvring and machinations of the war incen-
diaries, to extend the organization of all peace forces, —
constantly to step up mass action in defense of peace, —
to strengthen cooperation with all states which are —
not interested in new wars.

The struggle for peace and peaceful coexistence
weakens the front of imperialism, isolates its most
aggressive circles frgm the people and helps the revo —
lutionary struggle of the working class and the peoples’ _
national-liberation struggle.

The struggle for peace, for peaceful coexistence,
organically linked with the revolutionary struggle
against imperialism. “In conditions of peaceful co
existence,” declared the Statement of the 81 Com
munist parties, “favorable opportunities are provided
for the development of the class struggle in the capi-
talist countries and the national-liberation movement
of the peoples of the colonial and dependent countries.
In their turn, the successes of the revolutionary class —
and national-liberation struggle promote peaceful co-
existence.”

In conditions of peaceful coexistence new important
victories have been scored in recent years in the class -
struggle of the proletariat and in the struggle of the
peoples for national freedom. The world revolutionary —
process is developing successfully. A ats ie

This is why to separate the struggle for peaceful
coexistence of countries with different social systems
from the revolutionary struggle against imperialism
and colonialism, for independence and socialism,
counterpose them as the Chinese comrades do, means
to reduce the principle of peaceful coexistence to a
mere phrase, to emasculate it, to ignore in effect the
need for resolute struggle against imperialism,
peace and peaceful coexistence, and that would be to
the benefit only of the imperialists. ae

In its letter of June 14, the CPC Central Committee
accuses Communist parties of allegedly extending |
peaceful coexistence of countries with different social—
systems to the relations between the exploiters and
the exploited, between the oppressed and the oppress-
ing classes, between the working people and the im-
perialists. This is a truly monstrous fabrication and
slander against the fraternal parties who lead the
proletariat in its class battles with capital and always
support the revolutionary struggle and just wars
liberation against imperialism. Bes x

The leaders of the Chinese party have such weak
arguments in the struggle against the CPSU and other |
fraternal parties that they have to resort to all sorts —
of ruses. They begin by ascribing to us absolutely

July 26—PACIFIC TRIBUNE—Page 1