provisional govern- me have the people of ment today.’ i 1 Soviet Union 4; Of The Arctic eS miet Union has again @d north to tap the min-~ of the Arctic Circle. ~ Stlas to Verkuta, a city northeast of Archangel, line connects with the leading to industrial ne new 1,148-mile long fre North Pechora Rail- ‘ects with Archangel, id Leningrad, and will ‘coal from the Pechora # to these cities. rail line was scheduled ction before the Nazi ' Latin America ‘Plot Fails attempt to take over qp — a la Ramirez in —-has fizzled out com- an now be revealed. *llion of the fascist group 41 the Mexican WNation- and even the “Mexican ®cialist Party,” in which armed men-.jed by Col. clan raided villages and “Aumunally owned lands) \ middle of September, = crushed. The last ves- ie so-called “Nationalist 7e been wiped out, anc Sie 30 or 40 ring leaders here at the Military attack on Russia, and in 1989 the first coal shaft was sunk near Vorkuta. By 1941 coal production had reached one million tons. Schedules called for more than three million tons in 1942. ‘This year’s production will probably be even higher. With the new rail line the stock- pile of six million tons is moving south to the industrial cities of Leningrad and Moscow. Besides coal, the Arctic region contains untapped and wunestim- ated quantities of oil in the neigh- borhood of Ukhta. ed, and in follewing through with a thorough roundup of others in the weeks since then, made this the most bloodless rebellion in Mexico’s history: Less than a hundred casualties resulted. The would-be generalissimo of the “Nationalist Army,’ Col. In- clan, was a man who had been kicked out of the Mexican Army for desertion in February, 1924. As revealed by El Popular, labor daily, the conspirators had drawn up a grandiose document announc- ing their plans, which was signed by Imclan as “President,” and by 13 National Socialist Party secre- faries, along with 16 “generals and eolonels” and two “lieutenants.” This document, originally drawn up December 31, 1942, declared that it had decided “to declare itself in rebellion against the so-called government of Manuel Avila Gamacho and La- zaro Gardenas,” and added its intention “that this war be car- ried on also against the United States, our common enemy.” “The Yankees. are our eternal enemies,’ it said. “The end has come for Free Masonry, Commun- ism. Judaism and -Yankeeism.” As if this typical Nazi language were not enough, the document “went on to appeal to the Mexican people as follows: ‘Do you want this government should continue to give obligatory military instruction in order that Mexicans, without previous Wwarn- ing, be taken in the war in favor of the United States, our hang- man? All that, when Germany, Japan and Italy have done us no harm whatsoever.” However, El Popular warns that the abortive rebellion was “only an indication of a vast and pro- found conspiracy which is being ‘earried on to install in Mexico a fascist dictatorship of the corpor- ative-clerical type. similar to those in existence in Spain and Argen- tina’? Inclan, the paper says, was only the “simple instrument of powerful but not clearly visible forces.” : wae The paper points out that it is ‘Gmpossible to separate this re- pellion from the action of the Sin- arquists, of the National Action Party and other conservative groups of known fascist tenden- cies, or separate it from the propa- ganda which, for allegedly religi- ous ends, is carried on by various institutions and organs of the com- mercial press.” “Inclan failed,” the labor paper warns, “but Inclan is but one of instruments of a conspir- ek action of President vila Camacho in seiz- ‘ading conspirators Sep- , just five days before @iprising was to be stag- | through the German fraine, another army many f ‘end of the eastern acy which, unquestionably, has : 5 he broad ramifications within the is taking part in the country and) important interna- tional connections.” Liberation. take part in the government? We can only confirm what we publicly declared before 98,000 people gathered in the huge Ma- jestic Theatre in Algiers Novem- ber 14: “If there are still no Com- munists within the committee, it is not the Communists’ fault.” Here is what happened: During August and then in Sep- tember, General de Gaulle asked our comrade, Fernand Grenier, Communist deputy from St. Denis, delegate of our Central Committee in London, if he was prepared to enter the Commit- tee of Liberation in the event that the cabinet were reconsti- tuted. Fernand Grenier referred the matter to the Central Committee at its headquarters somewhere in France. In a message of October 2, the Central Committee announced: 1. Its agreement to partiei- pate in the cabinet that would be formed. 2. The outline of a war pro- gram on which such govern- ment collaboration could be established. 8. Cabinet choices would have been selected from among those deputies freed from Mai- son Carree (the North African prison where the Communist deputies were interned by Pe- tain.) N November. 1, Fernand Grenier arrived in Algiers from London. In a letter written on our behalf, he advised Gen- eral de Gaulle that we were pre- pared to take all responsibilities, even the greatest, on the basis of the following war program: 1. Everything to win the war, unification and building of a national army; arming the patriots in France. 2. Punishment of traitors, purge of fascist elements. 3. Establishment of a truly democratic policy, social re- form, the granting of Moslem demands in order to achieve real unity with the people of France. : 4. Strengthening of the role of France in the United Nations- From September 7 on, an ex- change of letters, interviews and discussions took place between us and General de Gaulle. Na- turally, I could, if you desire it, give you a detailed report in exact chronological and histori- eal order of our negotiations. The fact is that General de Gaulle offered us successively the Department of Production, then the Department of Informa- tion, and finally two other de- partments—first Public Health and Sports, and, second, Produc- tion. : T might also dwell on the quite strange’ fact that on the night of November 9, General de Gaulle called to a meeting set for 12:30 p.m. on Nov. 10 the Algerian delegation of the Central Com- mittee of the French Commun- ist Party. However, on November 9, at 8 p.m., the official French radio station, Radio France, announced the formation of the new Com- “mittee of Liberation. Oh NSS united against the enemy in the sacred war ei the French Communist Party today. We ar i ae thoughts, words, and deeds are based on this. is is the maxim that guided us in our negotiations with General Charles de Gaulle from November 1 to 16 concerning our participation in the French National Committee of b held, other ways were Yugoslavia had a wre i : » OWNeL Wa. presentative ' choosing delegates. government expressi i i -it can be said that as does the pee tae Now again, in December, we are asked why the French Thus at the very time they claimed that they wanted to dis- cuss the matter with us, the re- organization of the Committee Was an accomplished fact. HESE are historical facts. The main thing that no one can deny—because it is the strict truth—is that to each proposal to enter the government, the Al- gerian delegation of the Central Committee of the French Com- mittee of the French Communist Party presented, first, a war pro- gram of action for whatever de- partment was offered; second, the name of the man best suited for that department. Here are proofs: For the Department of Infor- mation, we had presented Eti- enne Jajon, deputy of the Seine, a sehool teacher, familiar with problems of propaganda and this type of activity. A seven-point program was proposed to Gen- eral de Gaulle. In this we said that the fundamental purpose of information and propaganda was to develop a fighting spirit and to hasten the victory of the Unit- ed Nations. When, after objections had been raised inside the commit- tee, and General de Gaulle did not confirm his offer of the post in the Department of Informa- tion, and the two posts in the Departments of Production and Public Health were offered, we aecepted these. We appointed our delegates. For public Health and Sports, Titienne Fajon, a young and vig- orous man whose competence and energy qualified him for the post. For production, we propos- ed Lucien Midol, deputy of Seine and Oise, graduate engineer and secretary of the Railroad Work- ers Union, former member of the government commission for French railways. Our conditions for the accept- ance of the latter post were: 1. Complete revision of the character of the Department of Production. 2. Department of Production to receive full authority in all domains for France and the Iempire. 3 Governors, administrators and police prefects were to execute without intervention from any other department all decisions made by the Depart- _ment of Production. : ‘ ' A Fusion of all the economic resources of the three terri- tories in French North Africa (Algeria, Morocco and Tunis); Corsica and eventually the lib- erated territories (a unified plan for production and trans- portation, abolition of customs barriers). 5. The organization of produc- tion and exports from French West Africa and French Equa- torial Africa, Madagascar and the rest of the Empire is to be decided by the Department of Production. 6. Outright confiscation of the property of all persons who are liable to prosecution (under house arrest, interned or 1m- prisoned). 7. Confiscation of all property | Free French Unity By FLORIMORDE BONTE ALGIERS. of liberation” —that is the slogan of e, and remain, faithful to this principle. Communist Party does not of persons and firms who col- laborated with the enemy. 8. Confiscation of businesses and land of those who sabotage production. 9. Organization of farm labor under the control of central trade union organization. 10. Setting up in plants pro- Guction committees elected by workers, office staffs and tech- nicians. 11. Revision of military, indus- trial and agricultural mobiliza- tion in agreement with the Department of National De- fense (War Department). 12. Finally, that each and every man and woman be plac- ed in the condition where they can make a maximum contribu- tion to the war effort. The letter ended with the dec- laration of our determination to support the efforts of the govern- ment even if it did not accept eur collaboration. Our last proposals were made on November 16. We agreed to take the Department of Produc- tion and the Department of Pub- lic Health even without the guar- antees we had demanded. On November 17, we informed the people of our position in a press release published through- out Nerth Africa. @ INCE that date, we have been waiting: Our acceptance, both in principle and in fact, to participate in the government, has received no answer. _ Blank silence. : The only conceivable reason to explain this silence is the pres- sure of certain men representing the interests of the monopolies and not those of the nation. Let no one object that it is a question of personalities. These are secondary in relation to the interests of Franee and the Al- lies. But the fact remains that we did propose men who were the most capable and qualified for the positions. We have set forth the facts. No one can deny them. Our news- paper, Liberte, is the biggest po- litical organ in North Africa, with a circulation of 70,000 and 11,000 subscribers. This figure take on special importance in the light of the pre-war circulation of the Communist newspaper in North Africa, 15,00 in 1939. Just a few words more: It is cur belief, first, that the present Committee of Liberation is the only legitimate government of France. The Committee repre- sents progress compared to what it was before it was reorganized. But the Committee in order to meet its responsibilities must be- come the reflection of France. Consequently, as a government cf the French Republic, it must have within it representatives of the CGT (the French Federation of Labor) and representatives of the French Communist Party, which lost 15,000 of its members, victims of the Nazi hordes, and which is in the forefront of the struggle for liberation on French soil. The committee must base itself upon the people, upon the patriote organizations of the people.