© from existing condi-
a Canadian reaction-
fing learned nothing
far are intent on driv-
®eovle back to the root,
- level of the “thirties.
Fidenced by their. re-
ganize production for

YF period.

i bly they wid] welcome
of industry in order
labors’ position and
living standards of
iin people, thereby at-
e principle of “free-

swant.” Due to indus-

idowns and lack of

‘oyment, many work-
ave used their unem-
nsurance are in des-

® reumstances. There
2.000 women appli-
stered at each of the
department stores.
ese girls are already

*d to accept the ig-
Slavery of domestic

re is the continuance
ld—blooded disregard
‘© pensioners who in
re paid only about
ich as pensioners re-
ie USA.

sre is the fight, that

waged merely to se-

1eons for undernour-
= ren.

Bctacks on the people’s
@learly establish the
™ the four freedoms
jught for on the home
P—not after the war
ia leadership propose.

fan only be prevented
Mc the people to the
Support for the elec-
Bcandidates who are
») fight and work for
diate expansion and
struction of industry.
iction will assure 2
Jeriod wherein there
ds and social progress

Pitstandine record of
M@iabers of Parliament

Hic councils toward ne-
Hactionary power and
2 enactment of demo-
Sures is proof we must
of such people in the

d provincial govern-

| JACK BOYD.

ZZ

SIS

=~ Vy

Irresponsibility

Dear Sir:

With the intensification of
the war in its final stages, the
need fer reinforcements at‘: the
front is making itself felt. How-
ever this need for reinforce-
ments is not a limitless and in-
satiable demand transcending
every other consideration, in-
clude our future existence as
a Nation.

-Our war effort has many
sides, and its fragile unity, not-
withstanding the many short-
comings, has proved to be the
basis of its brilliant effective
Ness.

Unity is the cornerstone of
our Nationa? existence. Realiz-
ing this as well as others, the
Tories did not dare raise the
question of conseription for
overseas service during the in-
itial phases of the organization
of our war effort. Nor did they
raise this question to the rank

of a yital issue during the grim

days which followed Dunkirk.
Compulsory military service at
heme and voluntary service
abroad suited our needs and the
Nation’s unity reasonably well.
With the subsequent attack by
Japan, Home and Pacific de-
tense even gained a sort of
priority in the thinking of
many Canadians.

At this time the USSR had
managed, brilliantly, to con-
tain the long prepared and con-

certed attack of the main
enemy, but at a terrible cost;
she needed assistance—mili-
tarily, in the form of attacks
upon the enemy’s continental
flanks; and materially in .the
form of supplies of all kinds—
In order to hasten the demoli-
tion of the enemy.

Then it was that the Tories,
almost to a man in Quebee and
Ontario. and in large numbers
in the West, looked upon the
many appeals for a more gen-

‘eral service scheme and “step-

-ed-up military activity as a
narrow Communist maneouver
to. be opposed. by every means.

Phe legacy of this campaign
still®casts ‘its evil influence in
some places, and has served to

, ¥einforce a conviction, held by.

many, that this is not a war for
freedom. While accustomed to
throw sand into the machine,
they clamber all over it and
howl when it fails to respond
instantly to the demands for an
increased tempo. They fail to
réalize the necessity to undo
the evil to which they, in such
large measure, contributed; and
suggest a policy only capable
of working further damage.

Could irresponsibility ¢o
much further? I am inclined
to think that their irresponsi-
bility -springs from the fact
that the war is presently well
in hand, and they -feel, since
they cannot see beyond—that
the time to “play politics” once
more has arrived.—A.D.

"| CAME RIGHT FROM WORK

Short Jabs ,, 0:

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_ “There are those at home who would wreck *business—destroy con-
fidence—and create uncertainty and distress for personal gain, at the

expense of all worthy effort of our men and women serving abroad in
foreign lands.

“There are the Get-rich-quick Hogs of Inflation who care nothing;
for the riches of heroie effort and personal sacrifices made on behalf
of a peace-loving and peace-respecting people at home.”

_ 0 me this might have been just another advertisement, but that
the biting truth of it struck me with great force, because on the same
day I had learned’ of one specific case of the methods of the Get-rich-
quick Hogs, whose purpose in life in these strenuous days is to feather

their own nests, no matter how the heroes and those for whom they
fight are left out in the cold.

The halls of the Ukrainian Labor Farmer Temple Association have
not yet all been returned to their rightful owners, although the Cabinet
has decided that this should be done, a form of redress which does not
compensate the members of the organization for the losses suffered by
them. Only the halls which had not been sold have been returned.

This Cabinet decision has not yet been made effective, just because
there are such Hogs as the quotation abeve speaks of. The Ganadian
government must first buy back the halls which were -sold, unjustly,
from the friends of Prof. Watson Kirkconnell. : :

These fascist Ukrainians, who are so stoutly defended by Kirk-
connell in the overtures of the government to repurchase the halls, are
proving their right to be classed among the Get-rich-quick Hogs. .

For the Ukrainian Labor Temple in Toronto, a buildings which was
valued at $130,000, and could not be replaced at that figure according
to a leading architect at the time it was sold, these Get-rich-quick Hogs
paid $32,500. But they are quite generous: not as greedy as they might

- be. They only demand $125;600.

For the Saskatoon hall, worth $16,000, they only paid $1,500, but
these Prairie fascist Get-rich-quick Hogs are not so generous as the
Toronto gang, they are more business-like Hogs, they want $25,000.

The sentiment of the advertisement is right. Surely our heroes are
not fighting and dying on the battlefronts of the world so. that the
Ukrainian fascist friends of Watson Kirkconnell might make fifteen
hundred percent on their investments in three years.

“Se Chas” -
T= commemoration of the 27th anniversary of the Bolshevik revolu-

tion in Russia, in which I was privileged to take part in- Vancouver,
Set me thinking of the 15th anniversary which occurred a few days be-
fore I arrived in Moscow in 1932. ? :

They had also celebrated the completion of the First Five-Year Plan
and signs of that accomplishment were to be seen all over the city. But
there was still much to accomplish. Peasants were being made into
industrial workers and that was some job. :

Some of their old peasant traits impressed every visitor to the
Soviet Union. The dilatory ways they had of doing things. or not doing:
them rather, reminded one of the pre-industrial age. When a Russian
was asked to do something he would invariably answer “se chas” which
means “one moment,” much as the: Mexican says “manana.”

When I got back to Vancouver I was asked by one of my Russian
friends how I made oltt in Moscow since I could not speak any Russian.
“Oh,” I replied, “that was easy. If somebody spoke to me I jsst answer-
ed ‘se chas.’ “If that wasn’t enough and they asked me something else,
ft would come back again with, ‘ya nyes naio’ (I don’t know), and if
they still kept kept after me I finished up with, ‘Nechavo” (‘never
mind,’ in English, or in American, ‘forget it’).

_. That was enough in Russia twelve short years ago. But things are -
different today. No more “se chas.” No more ‘ya nyes naio® No
more “nechavo.” The Russians, under communist leadership have
sloughed off all their old. antiquated ways and habits.

Now everything goes by the clock: The Red Army is the best
demonstration of this fact. “Se chas” could not win the great victories
marked to its.credit. Its objectives could never have been accomplished _
by replying, “ya nyes naio.” ‘“‘Nechavo” could never have cleared their
of the last beastly invader. Nor could these approaches have inspired
the partisan bands to harass and despoil the German armies on every
part of the war zone. :

And the same is true in civil life, “se chas” could never have moved
the industrial plants and factories from the occupied territories to the
far Hast where they would be safe to produce the things so necessary
for the successful conduct of the war. “Ya nyes naio,” could never
have organized the farmers to burn and destroy their homes, their
standing grain and all other things useful to the invader. If they still
indulged im “nechavo” they would have been no glowing pages of history
written: about Stalingrad, Moscow, Leningrad, Odessa, Sevastople and
hundreds of other heroic exploits that go to make the history of the
war on the Hastern front. :

‘Lenin saw and understood the difficulties that would be encount-
ered in making this revolutionary change in ideology. The military vic-
tories of the revolutionary forces were achieved by revolutionary en-
thusiasm and fervor; almost without arms the Russian people met and
defeated the onsets of massed imperialism. But Lenin knew that that
was not sufficient and he demanded that this style of work should be
changed in his party to bring it in line with the business methods of
American capitalism. §

This was done in the Communist Party and has now been communi-
cated to the Russian people as a whole. Not only have they adopted the
business-like way of doing things common in the States but have
improved on- them. : :

-The war against fascism has helped. M.enin’s demands have been
met. No more “se chas.” No more, “ya nyes naio.” No more “ne-
chavo.” Added up, that spells yictory!

%