By MAX GORDON

HE release of atomic energy
ives mankind a great new
source of power, far in advance of
anything he is using today. |

its exploitation will have revolu-

‘tionary effects on the mode of pro-

duction, greater than any earlier”

discoveries.

But the use of atomic energy for peace-
ful pursuits is wrapped up in the political
and social set-up of our society.

in discussing this aspect, I am for the
moment isolating the problems of peace-
time use of atomic energy from the bomb.

-In actual practice they cannot be so iso-

lated, aS will be shown at later in this
article.

Karl Marx and Frederick Engels nearly
100 years ago bared the fundamental con-
tradiction between capitalist production,
which is social, and the ownership of the
means of production, which is individual.
This centradiction can be solved only by
socialism.

As the productive forces become greater,
socialization of production also advances,
thereby. coming: into ever greater collision
with private property relations.

State Capitalism

his. book “Anti-Duhring,” Frederick
Engels pointed out that at one stage cer-
tain means of production would become
so huge that they could be put to use
only if the state should take them over.
This in itself is NOT Socialsim. The state
would still remains a “capitalist machine,”
an instrument of monopoly capital for
the exploitation of wage labor.

“State ownership of the productive
forees,” EXngels wrote, “is not the solu-
tion of the conflict, but concealed within
it are the technical conditions that form
the elements of that solution.’

Atomic energy development emphasizes |
the social character of production to a
greater degree than any previous pro-
ductive force. From the outset even the
most ardent champions of “private en-
terprise” and the most voluble foes of
“state control” have not challenged the
thesis that its control, development and
final ownership must rest with the state.
There have been sharp and important
differences of opinion whether a civilian
or military government commission should
exercise that contol and ownership, but
there has been no difference concerning
‘the need for 2 government commission.

The reason for this is not only because
of the military implications of atom fis?
Sion. It is generally recognized that the
social effects and the costs of development
of the new-found energy are so enormous
that they cannot be put to use by a private
monopoly.

Thus the problem of use of atomic
energy emphasizes the already-sharp con-
tradiction between capitalist property re-
lations and the advanced socialized char-
acter of the productive forces developing
Within them. As such, it provides the basis
for advancing much more rapidly _in
America the struggle for Socialism, which
arises from that contradiction and which
is the means of solving it.

Scientists Feel Something
Is Wrong

| RAINY atomic scientists, as well as bour-

feois social scientists, vaguely realize
the need of a fundamental readjustment

| of society before atomic energy can be
+ used properly.

Here are a couple of random quotes:
‘Herald-Tribune Science Editor John J.

| OWeill, writing in Harper’s Magazine:

“We should ... prepare to utilize it to
the fullest extent, making full provision
for all the adjustments that will be re—
quired in our economic, social and po- -
Hitical structures, national and interna-
tional.”

The editors of the book, “The Atomic
Age Opens:”

- - - Such a tremendous change in the

» Common man’s condition cannot be af-
_ fected without social transformations of
| the very first magnitude. The history of
the world since the Fench Revolution has

been the history of the Industrial

| Revolution, which is, at bottom, the story

Of steam. But the steam engine is a little
boy's wooden locomotive against the har
nessed atomic engine of the future, and

| the difference in resultant industrial and

economic revolutions should be the same.” ;

Atomic energy will displace huge

| @mounts: of coal, oil, gas and water power.
| PACIFIC TRIBUNE — PAGE 11

Atomic

It will require scrapping of the great
net-works of power plants throughout the
country—when and if it is fully exploited.
For use in transport, it will require the
complete overhauling of our railroads an@
ships. E

When you see with what ferocity and
success the coal, power and railroad in-
terests have thus far resisted the St
Lawrence and the Missouri Valley devel-

Energy!

Case For Socialism

opments, the effects of which would be
infinitesimal for them Compared to the
introduction of atomic energy, you can
get an idea of their resistance to this
basic change in the use of power.

There are, however, divisions among the
monopolists on the issue, just as there are
on the St. Lawrence and MVA develop-—
ments. Some goups would like to see
cheap and extensive power resouces de-

bombs are now being produced. |

Organize Atom Bomb Workers

Atom bomb workers are a major target for both the AFI and CIO in their
contest to organize the south, it was learned this week. Both organizations are
seeking collective bargaining rights for 40,000 highly skilled workers at the Clinton
Engineer Works, a War Department project in Oak Ridge, Tennessee, where atom

i i i literature they want
The unions are facing a tough job, because every piece of :
to distribute must be censored by a security officer. Every crganizer needs a per- $
mit and is allowed on the premises only if he remains in one designated: spot. The
organizers cannot even get a list of the workers in the plants.

veloped. Fo some degree those differences
are reflected in the struggle between mili-
tary and Civilian control’ of the sovern—
ment commission to be set up to contre!
atom power.

But those differences fade in the face
of the larger interests of the bourgeoisie,
the use of atomic energy as a weapon for
world domination. Whether the commis-
Sion established is military or Civilian-
dominated, the basic check to the ex-
ploitation of atomic energy for the peopte
will be the fact that bourgeois property
relations lead to the use of atomic energy
as a weapon of war and imperialist domi-
nation.

First, no outside top Military cir
cles knows how much raw material for the
production of atomic energy is available.

it is entirely possible that all available
taw materials are being stockpiled for
the production of bombs and wili be for
some time to come, :

Second, for “security” reasons, the mili
tary will sit tight on all atomic develop-
ments that will advance public knowledge
of the process of atomic fission and its
exploitation. This Secrecy will be far-—
more stringent if the military gains eon-
trol of the proposed government commis-—
sion; but it will also operate if a civilian
commission is set up.

Third, there ig already developing a
widespread agitation, aided by conscience-
Stricken scientists who developed the
bomb, that better no atomic energy at ali
than the danger of an atom war, The
argument is that if you destroy all raw
materials and all atom plants, it- will
be much tougher to wage an atom war,
the effects. of which would be infinitety
more disastrous than the benefits to be
gained by Civilian use of atomic energy.

The last argument is basea in part on
the thesis that no adequate system of in-
ternational inspection and control, aimed
at preventing the production of atom
bombs, can be devised, which is probably
correct. :

Lilienthal Report

A STATE, Department Commission, head-
ed by David E. Lilienthal, reeently
handed up a report for the development
ef such a system. Briefly the report
makes these assumptions: é

i—The U. S. is not to hand over the
bomb secret to UN until an adequate
world inspection and control system over
atom energy production is guaranteed.

-2—Such a system requires complete con-
trol by a United Nations Authority of all
uranium-235 and pultonium resources
thoughout the world. It assumes these
are the only materials from which atomic
energy can be produced.

3—The Authority shoule have complete
control over the distribution and use of
all atomie energy-producing materials, to
be licensed at its: will in any amounts it
Sees fit to individual counties.

it is scarcely likely, however, that the
Soviet Union, which is developing its
atomic energy research rapidly and ex-
pects to put the energy to use without
the hampering restrictions of bourgeois
property relations to bother it, will agree
te contro! over that use by a UN com-
mission dominated by the American bour-
geoisie.

Outlaw Atomic: Bomb
By Giving It to UN

AS 4 matter of fact, the whole idea of in-

spection and control breaks down by
reason Of the simple fact that the bomb
can now be quickly manufactured ence
war breaks out. In World War HI, stari-
ing from seratch, we were able to manw-
facture and use the bomb before it was
Over. With the process known, some gei-
entists have estimated that the bomb can
be manufacturéd in six months if atomic
energy plants are in existence.

The conclusion is that to prevent the
use of the atomic bomb, you have to pre-
vent war. That is a politieal battle for
United Nations unity, for Soviet-American
friendship and understanding. Tt is 2 battle
against the kind of power drive contained
in the American atom bomb threat. 3
is sheer nonsense t6 tie disclosure of the
atonr bomb seeret to a mythical inspac-
tion plan. The use of the atom bomb
will best be outlawed by turning it over
to the United Nations at ence since that
will demonstrate that America is willing
te live in cooperation and equality with
other nations.

As for domestic peacetime use of atomic
energy, its ultimate possibilities will he
realized under Socialism. But that does
not mean it cannot be exploited under
capitalism. The first step is to fight for
control by a civilian commission rather
than a military one. That will give greater
Scope for popular pressure in the deter-
mination of the policies guiding atomie
energy use.

EREDAY, MAY 31, 1940